Josephus (not Luke) Misdated Quirinius’s Census

Share/recommend this article:

Excerpt John Rhoads argues in a recent article that it was Josephus, not Luke, who misdated Quirinius’s census. Jared Compton offers a brief review of Rhoads' thesis. Continue reading

Explore
Related Articles
Support
Like this artice?

Our Ministry relies on the generosity of people like you. Every small donation helps us develop and publish great articles.

Please support ABR!

Visa, MasterCard, American Express, Discover & PayPal

John Rhoads argues in a recent article (off-site link) that it was Josephus, not Luke, who misdated Quirinius’s census. The gist of his piece is that the Judas whom Josephus associates with a tax revolt in AD 6 (Ant. 18.4–23) is the same Judas whom Josephus says was killed a decade or so earlier by Herod the Great (Ant. 17.148–67). Rhoads offers two main arguments in support of this thesis.

 

First, he argues that the slightly different names given both Judases (Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Judas the Galilean) are actually two ways of referring to the same individual. Second, he argues that Judas’s tax revolt occurred during Herod’s reign, not following it. Rhoads’s arguments are a bit complicated, so I’ve tried to sort them out below. If he’s right, then many recent attempts to exonerate Luke are largely unnecessary, since Luke doesn’t need to be harmonized with Josephus. Whether or not he is right, however, is a question I’ll have to leave for another day (or, more likely, someone else).

 

Argument #1: Judas the son of Saripheus = Judas the Galilean.

 

In Ant. 17.147–67, Josephus describes the activity of Judas, the son of Saripheus, while in the parallel accounts in Wars (1.648), he’s called the son of Sepphoraeos. Alternate readings of the Antiquities account, however, lead Rhoads to conclude that the Wars account is the more accurate of the two. This suggests that Judas, the son of Saripheus/Sepphoraeos was likely the son of a well-known inhabitant of Sepphoris, the capital of Galilee (cf. Ναζωραῖος in Luke 18:37)—perhaps the Galilean bandit Hezekiah, who is identified as Judas the Galilean’s father in another place (Ant. 17.269–85; cf. cf. Schürer 1:381). In short, Judas, the son of a well-known Sepphorian in Ant. 17.148–67 is, plausibly, Judas the Galilean in Ant. 18.4–23 (cf. Wars 2.118). What further adds to the plausibility of this identification is the fact that in both accounts Judas is described as a teacher, surrounded by disciples, and aided by another rabbi.

 

Argument #2: The tax revolt occurred during Herod’s reign.

 

Coponius. Rhoads argues that Josephus incorrectly assumed that Coponius’s presence, alongside Quirinius, meant that Quirinius’s census took place in AD 6, since that was when Coponius became prefect of Judea (see Ant. 18.1–23; Wars 2.117–18). The problem with this, however, was that Coponius could not have been prefect at this time since Josephus’s narrative presents him as subservient to Quirinius. Quirinius, e.g., is said to have been of consular rank, whereas Coponius, along with others who were sent with Quirinius, was of the lower, equestrian rank. Had Coponius been prefect, he would have answered only to the governor of Syria, which Quirinius was not. Quirinius, rather, is described as an assistant to the governor (a legate juridicus; governor = legati pro praetore). What’s more, Josephus says that in his administrative capacity Coponius had “dominion over the Jews,”  which would overstate his jurisdiction in AD 6, since it did not include Antipas and Philip’s territories. If Coponius was indeed active in Judea prior to his prefecture, then this probably explains the otherwise anomalous reference to his presence at the trial of Herod’s son Antipater in 5 BC (Ant. 17.134 v.l.).

 

Sabinus. Rhoads argues that Sabinus, who was present in Jerusalem at the time of Herod’s death, is another name for Quirinius (see Ant. 17.221, 18.1–2; Wars 2.16). Both were assistants to the governor of Syria, both were of consular rank, both were concerned with Judea’s tax revenue, and both were in charge of settling Herod’s estate. Rhoads suggests that both names may have been cognomens (i.e., an extra name—often a nickname—given to a Roman citizen), since such names were often ethnically-based. Quirinius, e.g., may have been the Roman nickname (as opposed to the Semitic Sabinus) given Publius Sulpicius, as a result of the deity associated with his Sabinian heritage (i.e., Quirinius), a heritage Rhoads infers from the fact that Quirinius was born in Lavinium, a city SW of Rome that had a significant Sabine population.

 

Joazar. Rhoads argues that the high priest removed immediately following Herod’s death is the high priest Joazar who was removed by Quirinius immediately following Judas’s tax revolt (see Ant. 17.164b, 206, 339b; 18.26b). Rhoads suggests that Joazar was appointed high priest by Herod after Judas’s armory raid, not after his eagle incident, as Josephus assumes. This means that Joazar was high priest during Judas’s tax revolt and eagle incident/execution, which followed. Rhoads then notes that the high priest deposed during the time of Herod’s funeral and at the behest of Judas’s followers corresponds with Josephus’s reports elsewhere of Archelaus’s removal, shortly after Herod’s death, of the high priest Joazar and with his report of Quirinius’s removal of a priest with the same name following Judas’s tax revolt. In short, Joazar was priest during Judas’s revolt against the tax administered by Coponius and Sabinus/Quirinius during the latter years of Herod’s reign.

 

As I noted earlier, I’ll leave off a full-scale review for the time being. I did, however, want to conclude by noting a handful of lingering questions that I suspect will need to be part of any fuller engagement of Rhoads’s thesis:

 

(1) Why does Josephus say Joazar was succeeded by two different persons if Joazar was appointed and deposed just once (see Ant. 17.399b and 18.26b)?

 

(2) If Joazar was, in fact, the priest deposed by Archelaus to satisfy his followers’ demands (Ant. 17.206), why does Josephus’s other report of this incident, which explicitly mentions Joazar, say Archelaus deposed him for “having risen-up with the partisans” (Ant. 17.339b)?

 

(3) Why does the catalogue of disturbances in 17.269–85 fail to mention the eagle incident, especially if, as Rhoads argues, it followed the armory raid incident?

 

Author's note: For another approach to the Quirinius incident, see Once More: Quirinius’s Census. And, for the historicity of another part of the nativity narrative, see Star of Wonder, Star of Light. (off-site link)

 

Jared Compton is an assistant professor in New Testament at Detroit Baptist Theological Seminary. He received his M.Div. from DBTS in 2007 and is a Ph.D candidate in NT at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, where he is presently writing a dissertation on Psalm 110 in Hebrews.

 

This article was originally posted on the DBTS blog, and has been posted here with permission.

Comments Comment RSS

12/29/2012 5:28 PM #

It's an impressively constructed argument, but it is not a solution to the problem of Luke's Quirinius reference, for at least three major reasons.

First: Even if Rhoads is 100% correct in everything he posits, he has only succeeded in placing the Jesus-birth-census after Herod's death. Although Rhoads attempts to skirt this with a quick aside/footnote near the end, his actual argument depends on Quirinius 'the Sabine' coming along to dispose of "his Herod"s estate, for tax valuation purposes. Further, in that aside he takes Herod's death at 4 BC, suddenly posits Quirinius began as early as 5 BC, but cites Eusebius' date of Christ's birth as 3/2 BC. Is this all an afterthought? At any rate, if Quirinius' activity was in response to Herod's death, then Rhoads may have technically exonerated Luke at the expense of Matthew's entire infancy narrative. Surely, this was not what anyone wanted. (?)

Second: Rhoads' Judas-Judas-Judas conflation finds little similarity in the characterizations of these three different men. Apart from a willingness to die, which is not so unusual among first century nonviolent Jewish resistors, they have nothing in common. Innocent The armory-raiding Judas comes off as a roughneck with similar constituents, who collectively display no vision greater than seizing control of their own middling city, ultimately defying a Roman Legion in their obstinate desire to hold power, and being destroyed for it. (B) The rabbi Judas is presented as a Judean local whose clientelle must have been somewhat well to do, whose m.o. was inherently nonviolent and whose concern revolved around symbolic acts of upholding Torah. (C) The Gamala Judas is presented as a groundbreaking new thinker, whose philosophy was specifically anti-Roman and yet who did nothing but talk up rebellion before being taken and having his hopes nipped in their proverbial bud. Rhoads complains that Schurer has defended "activities" and Rhoads asserts he is conflating "men" instead of activities, but the actual problem is that Josephus presents completely different men.

Third: Rhoads has said nothing at all about Quirinius' larger career, or his significant wherabouts in prior and later years. Along with all the other reams of standard chronology Rhoads attempts to realign, Rhoads also needs to reassess Quirinius' prosecution of the Homanadensian War (which Syme and Levick both date to 4-3 BC, but which also probably implies preparations in late 5 BC, given that the Via Sebaste was freshly completed in 6) and to reassess Quirinius' mission advising young Gaius Caesar in Syria and Armenia (c.AD 2-4). If Rhoads can somehow reassign all that activity then Rhoads may at least succeed in presenting the single most complicated revisionist theory on Herod & Quirinius ever put forward. And that would be quite saying something. Nevertheless, at the moment Rhoads has Quirinius in Palestine in the same years when two titans of scholarship have Quirinius in Pisidia and Lycaonia. Something should have to be said about that, one way or another.

I should emphasize, in conclusion, that Rhoads' source criticism on Josephus, following Schwartz, was not only impressive but surprisingly compelling, as was his general command of the relevant material involved. Honestly, I not only felt myself almost being persuaded, I actually shocked myself by wanting at one point to find myself completely persuaded. It is indeed as rigorous a construction as Jared had promised it would be. But, for the obstacles listed above, I must reaffirm that Rhoads' tremendous effort here ultimately fails.

For any argument to move this many mountains in attempting to stamp out one molehill, it should have to be absolutely flawless in its power to convince instead of relying so much on speculative "possibility". The standard reading of Josephus on Quirinius remains, for the moment, far more convincing.

There may yet be a solution to the "problem" of Luke's Quirinius statement, but this is not it.

Bill Heroman - 12/29/2012 5:28:43 PM

1/13/2013 9:20 PM #

As to the Luke 2:2 issue, it could be possible that what we have in extant Gospel of Luke manuscripts is a dittography of "TE" in the word "PROWTE". This would change the resulting English translation from "first" to "before" (subordinating conjunction), solidifying Luke 2:2 as a parenthetical note reading "Such a census would originate before the governor of Syria was Quirinius." But how early of a manuscript deviation would we be talking about for that?

I have also read of another solution that actually ends up being an Antimereia of Hyperbaton in which "PROWTE" ("first") really does mean an emphatic "PROW" ("before").

Z. E. Kendall - 1/13/2013 9:20:26 PM

Add comment



biuquote
Loading



Research RSS Feed

AddThis Feed Button

Recent Articles

As one who spends most of his time investigating the archaeology of the Old Testament, "Reinventing Jesus:...
The staff of the Associates for Biblical Research shares the vision and mission of the ABR ministry in...
The Battle of Thermopylae is one of the most heroic battles in the annals of military history. Three...
For over forty years, the Great Isaiah Scroll was under lock and key, deep underground in Jerusalem....
Associates for Biblical Research
  • PO Box 144, Akron, PA 17501
  • Phone: +1 717-859-3443 | Fax: +1 717-859-3393
  • Toll Free: 1-800-430-0008
Friend ABR on Facebook.com Join us on Twitter Join us on Twitter